News

A Qualitative Analysis On and Lessons Learned From Maryland’s Purple Line

Written By

  • Nicholas Finio, Associate Director of NCSG
  • Dominique Gebru, Transportation Planner at Washington DC Department of Transportation
  • Katy June-Friesen, Associate Director of Communications & Research for the Small Business Anti-Displacement Network
  • Gerrit-Jan Knaap, Professor of Urban Studies and Planning at the University of Maryland and PLCC Chair

Transit-oriented development (TOD) represents a promising form of development in urban transit corridors offering walkable communities, reduced car dependence, and enhanced access to opportunities. But all too often, the benefits of new transit investments are overshadowed by rising housing costs and the displacement of long-time residents and small businesses. What if there was a way to ensure that these investments truly benefit everyone, especially those most vulnerable to displacement?

Our recent analysis of the Purple Line Corridor Coalition (PLCC) in Maryland reveals a powerful strategy: leveraging multi-sector community collaborations to promote equitable development in transit corridors. By bringing together diverse stakeholders and focusing on community needs, these coalitions can play a crucial role in shaping a more just and sustainable future.

Read more at Urban Affairs Review

Abstract

The State of Maryland, through a public-private partnership, is building a new light rail line called the Purple Line. This project will greatly increase transit accessibility and increase land values in neighborhoods where many minority, low-income residents and small business owners may be vulnerable to displacement. The Purple Line Corridor Coalition (PLCC) was established in 2013 to balance equitable transit-oriented development against potential for displacement. In this paper, we analyze the structure, activities, and performance of the PLCC. Through a qualitative analysis lens based on collective impact theory, community coalition theory, collective impact regionalism, and community-based action research, we discuss whether and how it is possible for a multi-sectoral community coalition to influence equitable development outcomes before a planned transit line is operational. These findings, we suggest, offer useful lessons for others trying to promote equitable transit oriented development, or other forms of community development, though multi-sectoral community coalitions.

 

 

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Preservation Through Tenant Rights in Washington, DC (Working Paper)

 

By Kathryn Howell, Executive Director of the National Center for Smart Growth and Associate Professor of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning at the University of Maryland, Casey Dawkins, Faculty Affiliate with the National Center for Smart Growth and Professor of Urban Studies and Planning and Sophie McManus, Urban and Regional Studies and Planning at the University of Maryland PhD Candidate.

Read the working paper

Over the last two decades, there has been a shift in how we understand the geography of affordable housing. As the demand for walkable neighborhoods accessible to amenities increased for higher-income households, affordable housing units – both subsidized and unsubsidized – were lost, and their supply shrank. As a result, states and localities are looking for new tools for production and preservation of affordable housing. This may include a right of first refusal for a jurisdiction (Montgomery County, MDPrince George’s County, MD) or a tenant association (Washington, DC, Takoma Park, MD) to have the first chance to purchase a residential building going up for sale. In Washington, DC, the Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act (TOPA), passed in 1980, gives tenants the right of first refusal when their building is for sale. All multifamily tenants in DC have the right to collectively buy and convert it into a cooperative or condominium, assign their rights to a developer of their choice, or do nothing and allow the sale to go through without intervention.

In this working paper, we use a multinomial logit regression model and find that TOPA was highly effective at preserving affordable housing, particularly in areas where rents were rising. Further, in areas where there was limited affordable housing due to exclusionary zoning or earlier waves of gentrification, TOPA could do little to preserve affordability because little affordable housing existed. Similarly, TOPA was less effective close to transit where buildings were newer and typically not affordable. In short, while TOPA was effective in preserving affordability where it exists, it also points to the ongoing need to enable the production of new subsidized and unsubsidized housing across the city. These findings help to better understand on a large scale the ways that tenant rights of first refusal, and perhaps other rights can be used to provide critical access to the market to intervene and prevent the loss of affordable housing.

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An Analysis on Urban Development Decisions and the Role of Community Resistance in Navy Hill

 

By Meghan Z. Gough, Associate Professor of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning at Virginia Commonwealth University, and Kathryn Howell, Executive Director of the National Center for Smart Growth and Associate Professor of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning at the University of Maryland

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Before becoming the name of a controversial redevelopment project in 2017, Navy Hill was a thriving Black neighborhood just outside of downtown Richmond, Virginia (USA) into the early twentieth century. The focal point of the neighborhood after the Civil War was the Navy Hill School, a primary school and the first public school in Richmond to employ Black teachers (Richardson, 2007). A symbol of social advancement, in a neighborhood with growing visibility as a center for Black civil society, the Navy Hill School was known for its high caliber students. However, like many of Richmond’s Black neighborhoods Navy Hill was destroyed by government-funded renewal programs and interstate highway construction that made way for the Richmond Coliseum, government buildings and an expansion of the VCU Medical School, displacing families and making invisible the place history of Navy Hill.

 

Richmond Coliseum under construction, looking east at what was Navy Hill, 1970s. (Source: Valentine Museum)

Between 2017 and 2020, a fight over the redevelopment of Navy Hill, driven by a mix of community organizers, smart growth advocates, school board members and affordable housing advocates, would illuminate both the erasure and violence of the neighborhood’s destruction, as well as the city’s desperation for development. In this paper, we use Marcuse’s (2009) “exposing, proposing and politicizing” framework for critical reimagining the future of cities. We argue that organizers exposed the roots of the problem, including the neighborhood’s critical legacy of Black self-determination, as well as the racist destruction in the 1960s and 1970s. They used this to start a conversation about what is needed, and in doing so help to propose the necessary action, which included a community-based planning process and meaningful reparative action. Finally, they were able to effectively politicize the work using the history and proposed futures using direct action, political process and bureaucracy. 

In the case of Navy Hill, mid-twentieth century history did not repeat itself; communities of resistance united to demand that city leaders pause and demonstrate how public-private, taxpayer subsidized redevelopment supports liberated reform that begins to reconcile racist planning history and promise more equitable services. Indeed, in 2020 just before the COVID-19 pandemic shutdown public spaces around the world, the Richmond City Council voted to not approve the deal, setting the stage for a new way of thinking about development and the city’s history. 

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