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An Analysis of Student Housing Patterns Along Route 1

Written By NCSG Graduate Assistants Finn Meggitt & Cole Shultz

Figure 1: Multifamily Housing Construction in College Park by Number of Units and Year Structure Built from 2000-2025. Source: Prince George’s County Build Permit Data

Introduction:

Drive down Maryland State Route 1 today and you’ll find a very different College Park than from 20 years ago, with a skyline dominated by new multifamily projects shown in Figures 1 and 2. This change is an intentional response to an increasing student population and demand for more housing, better multimodal access, and an enhanced sense of place. The 2010 Central US 1 Corridor Sector Plan facilitated this transformation, but the demand for new housing preceded this policy, and other actors, especially the University of Maryland-College Park (UMD), are deeply connected to this process.

UMD in particular has realized the benefits of new housing, transportation options, and amenities near campus. These changes foster a stronger sense of community, advance sustainability goals, and represent a clear break from the UMD of the past which opposed Metro access on the Green Line and built no new dorms between 1982 and 2011. UMD has also worked to improve the town/gown relationship with the City of College Park, resulting in the Greater College Park Initiative. This has resulted in $2+ billion worth of public-private investments and contributed to the development of over 30 residential and commercial real estate projects. Likewise, the City of College Park has approved over 3,000 new housing units since the initiative was announced, expanding housing access. Highlights of this program include the Union on Knox apartment buildings, with over 796 beds available for rent, the creation of the Discovery District as a globally competitive mixed-use research hub, and a development delivering a new City Hall for College Park alongside offices, retail and a public plaza. Discovery House is another new multifamily development, replacing 220 units of townhomes with fully-furnished units that will house 800 graduate students. 

Figure 2: Aerials of South Baltimore Ave May, 2001 (left) and May, 2025 (right). 

The City of College Park is also a major actor in this process, as it has designed policies to spur multifamily construction while minimizing the conversion of single-family homes into student rentals. Since 2010, the City has established a rule of no more than five unrelated persons residing within a single-family home, began inspecting every rental single-family unit, and gave property tax abatements to multifamily housing along the Baltimore Avenue corridor. The net result of these changes has been a rapid increase in the number of high-density housing units (Figure 3).

However, this process is not unique to College Park, nor has it come without risks for marginalized communities. These changes occurring in College Park are consistent with two threads of urban planning research: Smart Growth and Studentification. Smart growth principles focus on building connected, service rich communities that serve a broad range of residents.  ‘Studentification’, a term coined by Darren P. Smith in 2004 describes “the distinct social, cultural, economic, and physical transformations within university towns”. Studentification can manifest in various ways, including the conversion of single family homes into shared rentals, higher housing costs, crowded parking, poor landscaping and property maintenance practices, and a reorientation of the commercial landscape to cater towards student tastes. 

Previous research has also described four main ways in which municipalities can respond to studentification, which include restriction, diversion, intensification, and limited-intervention.

Figure 3: Number of Units by Structure Type. Source: IPUMS NHGIS.

We find that College Park is pursuing diversion and intensification strategies, which has successfully supported a larger student population in College Park. This approach is well-designed in accordance with smart growth principles, as development has been directed towards Route 1 near campus, where there is existing demand, reducing the number of students who need to drive and preserving other nearby low- and moderate-income neighborhoods.

Prior Research Review

Last year, we undertook the first analysis of student housing patterns at UMD, using anonymous data from UMD’s Office of the Registrar and historical census data. This research forms the basis for our understanding of College Park as a College Town already experiencing studentification. The amount of owner-occupied housing has fallen in both relative and absolute terms from 1980 to 2023, (Figure 4). This decline represents a key indicator of studentification, and matches well with our findings that over 40% of students live within a half-mile of campus.

Figure 4: Tenure by Decade in College Park. Source: Brown University Longitudinal Tract Database analysis of 1970-2000 full count and sample data decennial censuses, and 2008-2012, 2015-2019, and 2018-2023 ACS Data (Logan et al. 2023).

Second, we found that the rail transit-accessibility of UMD will increase by nearly 650% following the completion of the Purple Line, as students living in Hyattsville, Greenbelt, and Silver Spring will have direct access to campus. Furthermore, students, faculty, and staff will be able to ride the Purple Line for free among the five stations on or near campus, providing a strong incentive for taking transit rather than driving. All of this points to the Purple Line as being a remarkable investment in the campus community, and likely to further shape student housing and transportation patterns by supporting demand for on and near campus housing, as well as increasing demand near other transit stations.

New Updates: Students Housing Patterns in College Park

We analyzed 2025 local mailing addresses ¹ of students to investigate the living preferences of students. While UMD’s 42,439 students live across the region, 38% (16,172) live in College Park. Of those, 28% (4,505), live off campus, with approximately 53% of those students being graduates and 47% being undergraduates (2,388 and 2,117, respectively). Among off campus students in College Park, multifamily housing is dominant, with almost 72% of undergraduates and 54% of graduates living in multifamily buildings (Figure 5). 

Figure 5: Housing Types for Graduate and Undergraduate Students Living in College Park. Source: NCSG Analysis of Registrar Office Data.

Further, we identified that just 13% of single-family homes had an associated student address. This figure falls to just 6% when we count only properties with multiple students in them, as while some students may be renting a singular room or ADU, others may be living with their parents or recording their address, and would therefore be the only student in that building. However, some neighborhoods have disproportionate shares of student-occupied single-family housing (Figure 6). 40% of the single-family homes in the Crystal Springs neighborhood are occupied by at least one student, while Berwyn and Old Town each have just under 30% of their single-family homes hosting at least one student. One home in Old Town was even identified as having 12 students.

We then compared College Park with other cities and places across the region (Figure 7). Unsurprisingly, College Park hosts nearly half of all students with local addresses in Maryland, as nearly a third of the university lives on campus. Even after excluding those who live on campus, College Park is still home to more than 20% of all UMD students living in Maryland, more than the next 8 areas combined. 

Figure 6: Percentage of Single-Family Homes Occupied by at least one student by Neighborhood in College Park. Source: NCSG Analysis of Registrar Office Data and City of College Park GIS data

Figure 7: Number of Students living in Census Designated Places in Maryland, 2025. Source: NCSG Analysis of Registrar Office Data and US Census Bureau data.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The contemporary era of studentification in College Park is intricately linked to the shift in enrollment at UMD (Figure 8). The university built housing alongside growth in the student population; there were 5,189 dorm beds constructed between 1960 and 1980, while there were no dorms constructed between 1990 and 2010. There was no need to construct dorms because undergraduate student enrollment saw a precipitous decline of 15.5% between 1980 and 2000. However, 2000 to 2010 saw an increase in students, both undergraduate and graduate. During this time period, census data records a substantial conversion of single-family homes into rental units, increasing from 648 renter-occupied single-family units in 2000 to 925 renter-occupied single-family units in 2010, and it has stayed around that level since. 

Figure 8: Single-Family Homes by Tenure and Total Dorm Beds. Source: IPUMS NHGIS & University of Maryland Residence Halls Page. Tenure data by housing typology is not available in College Park before 1970

Finally, since 2010, the inflation adjusted median gross rent and annualized dorm cost in College Park have not increased. Figure 9 illustrates inflation-adjusted rents between 2013 and 2023. This reflects the impact of both the Central US Route 1 Plan, which facilitated 7,204 new apartments into the construction pipeline off campus, as well 2,000 new dorm beds on campus. Moreover, the construction of new apartments in nearby areas such as Hyattsville Crossing and Downtown Hyattsville have likely impacted the UMD housing market. At the same time, the number of renter occupied single-family homes in College Park did not increase outside the margin of error between 2010, 2020, or 2023. Our results indicate the demand for new housing near campus remains strong and is being met by increased construction, rather than the conversion of existing structures.

Discussion

The worst fears surrounding studentification in College Park: that new construction for students is driving up rental housing costs, while the students take over quiet single-family neighborhoods and opt out of multifamily living, is not supported by our analysis. City policy and partnership with UMD has successfully directed housing towards Route 1, intensifying development near campus and housing more students as a result, a clear case study of the studentification strategies described earlier. However, the trend of property owners converting their single-family homes into rental units represents a contemporary acceleration of studentification in College Park, particularly when enrollment increased from 2000 to 2010.

These strategies align with smart growth principles by preventing encroachment into surrounding neighborhoods where displacement risk is more acute. The efforts also created a more walkable and amenity-rich environment for students living in College Park. Furthermore, these findings provide limited evidence that dramatically increasing housing supply in near-campus neighborhoods can limit rent increases.

Figure 9: Inflation Adjusted Annualized Dorm Cost and Median Gross Rent. Source: IPUMS NHGIS & University of Maryland Common Data Set.

At the same time, students continue to live across the region. Certain areas near transit, such as Hyattsville and Silver Spring, are already important hubs of student housing, and these communities will be strengthened by the completion of the Purple Line. Others, such as East Riverdale and Langley Park, may be at particular risk of studentification given their current low student populations, relative affordability, and enhanced transit access to campus. In other words, the demand for housing near transit and with access to campus could create significant displacement risk for long-term and low- and moderate-income households living in those areas.  Continued development of housing in areas where students already live is therefore necessary to preserve these communities and their diverse character. 

Ultimately, we see these developments as proof that an intensification approach to studentification can realize city and university goals of building a “vibrant, diverse, and walkable community.” Planned future research will investigate how the construction of denser housing near campus impacts vehicle-miles travelled and multimodal transportation by students and College Park residents. Qualitative analysis will also shine light onto student attitudes towards both housing options and business preferences. Understanding ongoing commercial displacement of small businesses by mixed-use developments is another key area of future research, as these changes are a critical component of studentification. Finally, it will be important to continue this research following the construction of the Purple Line, to determine to what extent and where studentification and displacement occurs, and how it can be mitigated. 


¹ We chose to investigate local addresses, as that is where students live during the academic year. This data is self-reported, meaning that there may be some students who misreport their address and put where their parents live, rather than where they live while classes are in session. Approximately 10% of students reported local addresses outside of the DMV.

 

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Safe and Connected Communities in Purple Line Station Areas

Read the Safe and Connected Communities in Purple Line Station Areas report.

Safe and comfortable multimodal access to Purple Line stations is a cornerstone goal shared by the public agencies building the new transit line and the communities that live and work around the future stations. Government agencies and the community agree that the streets, sidewalks, paths, and public spaces around the stations should allow people of all ages and abilities to be able to get to and from the stations safely, especially because there will be no vehicle parking at Purple Line stations. They should be vibrant human-scaled places with slow motor vehicle traffic speeds, ample opportunities to cross streets on foot and in wheelchairs, accessible pedestrian routes, and clear connections into the surrounding neighborhoods. The station areas should be an integrated part of the fabric of the community, enhancing access to opportunities, supporting local economic development, and fostering high transit ridership. Montgomery County and Prince George’s County have been planning, preparing and implementing changes to allow for this safe and comfortable multimodal access for years.

County and State work to further this goal has been extensive. The Purple Line Corridor Coalition documented these efforts for eleven station areas, and information about what is being implemented can be found on the PLCC site (Technical Notes). Relevant programs and plans include Montgomery County DOT’s BiPPA program; and Prince George’s County’s Safe Streets for All grants; SHA’s Pedestrian Safety Action Plan for MD 650 from MD 193 to Metzerott Road, and M-NCPPC local land use and transportation plans like the Montgomery Pedestrian Master Plan. The Purple Line Corridor Coalition (PLCC) has been engaging with key public sector stakeholders working on these projects, and the communities around the future Purple Line stations for more than a decade to encourage collaboration and promote equitable outcomes. Most recently, the PLCC has focused on assessing the physical environment around eleven of the twenty-one total stations to document current conditions and consider planned and proposed improvements. The PLCC reviewed previous plans and studies, assessed recommended and planned future transportation improvement projects, and documented remaining, unaddressed gaps and barriers for safe and comfortable multimodal access.

The PLCC also organized and coordinated community-led walks around the Long Branch and Piney Branch Road, Riverdale Park-Kenilworth, and Takoma-Langley stations to cultivate a robust dialogue between the local community, area stakeholders, and public transportation agency representatives, focusing on a shared vision for safe and accessible multimodal access around the future Purple Line stations. In partnership with several community-based organizations, PLCC recruited community members who are not traditionally participants in pedestrian planning– such as PTA members, Spanish-speaking renters, and small business owners. The individuals who led these walks are future Purple Line riders and potential beneficiaries of new investments along the line. Their perspectives provided crucial insights on remaining needs in the post-construction environment.This report highlights key findings from the multi-modal access assessment at the eleven stations along the corridor which face the most significant pedestrian accessibility challenges, mainly along arterial roads and state highways.

This report is supported by a Transit Oriented Development Planning Grant from the Federal Transit Administration being executed by National Center for Smart Growth (NCSG) on behalf of the Maryland Department of Transportation Maryland Transit Administration. For more information about this report contact Nicholas Finio, Ph.D. at nfinio@umd.edu.

Read the Safe and Connected Communities in Purple Line Station Areas report.

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Revisiting Adequate Public Facilities Ordinances (APFOs) in Maryland

Written By Sarah Kamei Hoffman, NCSG Graduate Assistant

Click here to read the full report.

Adequate public facilities ordinances (APFOs) are a growth management tool that link development approval to the capacity of public facilities, such as schools, roads, and sewer systems. If a facility is found inadequate, development is subject to moratorium or can proceed under alternative options, such as phased development or payment plans.

APFOs grew in popularity during the 1980s and early 1990s as local governments sought to maintain quality public services amid rapid growth. In Maryland, the General Assembly granted local jurisdictions the authority to adopt APFOs in 1978, though Montgomery County had the first APFO in the State in 1973. This blog post summarizes findings from a 2025 update to the Maryland Department of Planning’s 2012 APFO inventory and 2013 report. This update included (1) an updated inventory of Maryland jurisdictions with APFOs, (2) a literature review on the relationship between APFOs, housing, and schools; and (3) a set of best practices for local jurisdictions.

Inventory

Over half of Maryland’s 24 counties have an APFO. Of counties that have APFOs, all have schools and roads requirements, with water, sewer, and fire/EMS being the next most common facilities. A smaller share of municipalities have APFOS, with less than a quarter having them. Additionally, police requirements are more common among municipalities than in counties. Schools, roads, water, and sewer are similarly the most common facilities covered by municipal APFOs. These facilities are likely the most common as they have more of a finite physical capacity, their expansion requires major capital investments and multi-year planning, and are seen by residents as essential services. 

Table 1: Summary of 2025 Maryland APFO Inventory.

Figure 1: Map of Maryland Jurisdictions with APFOs, 2025.

All counties in the Baltimore-Washington metropolitan region have APFOs, which may reflect higher growth pressures. Baltimore City and the farthest western, northeastern, and southeastern portions of the State do not have APFOs. In these areas, there may be lower growth pressures, different growth patterns, or reliance on other tools to manage capacity and growth. Most municipalities with APFOs fell within counties that also have them, with the exception of Cambridge in Dorchester County. Additional tables summarize the timing of adequacy tests, exempted developments, and the level of service standard for each facility. These tables can be accessed in the full report. For example, the most commonly exempted developments are nonresidential and commercial development, age-restricted housing, minor subdivisions, mixed-use development, affordable housing, and low-traffic-producing subdivisions.

Findings on Housing Outcomes

Research shows that APFOs have mixed relationships with housing outcomes. When poorly coordinated with capital improvement plans, APFOs can restrict housing supply: in the Baltimore-Washington suburbs, falling housing starts and building moratoria were attributed to APFOs. However, studies in California found neutral or positive relationships with housing production. 

Table 2: Summary of the Relationship between APFOs and Five Housing Outcomes.

 

Studies consistently show that APFOs are correlated with increased housing prices when they reduce housing supply, delay development approvals, and signal anticipated amenities improvements. For example, an APFO policy announcement in Cabarrus County, North Carolina increased existing single-family home prices by  2.3%. Other studies in Florida and California have produced similar findings. Despite this finding, APFOs have been found to have neutral or minimal effects on housing affordability; market dynamics, inclusionary zoning, and density regulations have been found to be stronger predictors of housing affordability.

One study found that APFOs were marginally associated with more multi-family housing. Yet, APFOs’ influence on broader development patterns is more ambiguous: some studies have found little to no effect on their contribution to sprawl, while studies in Maryland and Florida have found that APFOs can deflect development to less developed areas or areas with less restrictive development environments. Overall, the effects of APFOs depend on how well they align with capital improvements planning, regional market dynamics, and other land-use policies.

Schools and APFOs

In Maryland, school adequacy requirements have previously driven most residential development moratoria, yet some research suggests that such restrictions may do little to address school overcrowding. In Montgomery County, most enrollment increases stemmed from turnover in existing units rather than people moving into new housing, and similar trends have been observed in Howard County. In response, Montgomery County replaced the school capacity requirements with a payment system to support school construction. 

Figure 2: Share of 2010-2015 Student Enrollment Growth in Montgomery County by Development Type. Source: 2020-2024 Growth and Infrastructure Policy Update Montgomery Planning.

APFOs also raise equity concerns: in Howard County, stricter school capacity tests have made it harder to build housing for low- and middle-income families and have been used to delay conversations about redrawing school boundaries, undermining school integration efforts. Potential solutions to overcapacity, such as portable classrooms, new construction, and redrawing school boundary lines each come with drawbacks. Temporary or relocatable classrooms are quick and inexpensive, but are criticized for poor environmental conditions; new school construction is optimal but slow and costly; and redrawing school boundary lines can be politically fraught, as many families choose neighborhoods based on school assignments. Boundary changes can also expose underlying racial and socioeconomic tensions and raise practical concerns about student transportation.

Best Practices 

Nine best practices were developed for local governments to ensure APFOs support housing needs, equitable development, and other growth management goals. Each of these can be explored more in the full report:  

  1. Clarify the purpose of APFOs and reconsider their use if necessary
  2. Integration with comprehensive plan 
  3. Integration with capital improvements programming and plans
  4. Tailored to support multimodal transportation
  5. Collaborate to update school planning and capacity management
  6. Develop a variety of alternatives to adequacy
  7. Improve adequacy calculations and provide access to adequacy information
  8. Coordinate within and between jurisdictions
  9. Align and combine with affordable housing initiatives

Webinar

In December 2025, Sarah presented the findings from this report at a webinar hosted by the Maryland Department of Planning (MDP) titled “Designing Adequate Public Facilities Ordinances (APFOs) for Sustainable Growth​”. Sarah was joined by David Dahlstrom, AICP from MDP; Jason Groth, AICP and Melissa Hively from Charles County; and Eric Leshinsky, AICP from Annapolis. The webinar is available for viewing on MDP’s website (click here to watch the webinar).

Click here to read the full report.

 

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